Rioting as RICO predicate

Full Title:
A bill to amend title 18, United States Code, to include rioting in the definition of racketeering activity.

Summary#

This bill would add the federal crime of rioting to the list of crimes called "racketeering activity" under federal law. The main change is to treat rioting the same way the law treats other listed offenses for purposes of racketeering charges. The stated broad goal is to allow rioting to be used as a predicate offense in racketeering (RICO) cases.

  • Main change: insert "section 2101 (relating to riots)" into the federal definition of racketeering activity.
  • Effect on law: rioting would become one of the offenses that can be counted toward a pattern of racketeering.
  • Scope: the change affects how federal racketeering (RICO) statutes can be applied, but does not itself change the separate criminal penalties for rioting.
  • Procedural result: this links rioting to tools available under racketeering law (for example, causes of action or enhanced penalties that depend on racketeering predicates).

What it means for you#

  • People charged with rioting or organizing riots: This could mean prosecutors can include rioting as one of the crimes that shows a "pattern" of racketeering activity. That could affect the charges brought against individuals or groups when rioting is alleged alongside other racketeering predicates.
  • Organizations or groups: If a court finds an organization qualifies as an "enterprise" under the racketeering law, rioting could be used as evidence that the enterprise engaged in a pattern of criminal activity. This could expose an organization to additional criminal or civil actions that rely on racketeering laws.
  • Civil plaintiffs: Where racketeering predicates are required to bring civil claims under federal racketeering statutes, adding rioting as a predicate could allow new civil suits when rioting is alleged as part of a pattern.
  • Federal and local prosecutors: Prosecutors would have the option to count rioting within racketeering cases. This could change charging strategies in complex or group-based cases that involve riots.
  • General public and protesters: The bill does not change the basic federal criminal definition of rioting itself. It could, however, affect how protests that become violent are prosecuted if rioting is linked with other racketeering predicates.

Expenses#

No publicly available information.

  • The bill text and supplied material do not include a fiscal note or budget estimate.
  • Possible effects (not estimated in available material): using racketeering tools could increase litigation (criminal and civil), which may raise enforcement and court costs for the government and legal costs for defendants or private plaintiffs. The bill does not specify funding, staffing, or enforcement resources.

Proponents' View#

  • The bill appears intended to make rioting count as a predicate offense for racketeering cases. This could be seen as a way to give prosecutors and civil claimants more tools against organized or repeated violent disorder.
  • Supporters may argue that linking rioting to racketeering could help hold groups or enterprises accountable when riots are part of a broader pattern of criminal conduct.
  • The change could be seen as strengthening legal options to deter or punish coordinated illegal violence that meets the federal riot statute.

Opponents' View#

  • One concern is that adding rioting to racketeering predicates could expand the powerful RICO framework into contexts involving protests. This may raise questions about effects on lawful assembly and speech when demonstrations turn violent.
  • The bill does not clearly explain how courts should treat loosely organized groups or temporary gatherings as "enterprises" for racketeering purposes. It is unclear when ordinary protest activity could meet the enterprise/pattern tests.
  • Including rioting could increase civil RICO litigation and potentially impose large penalties or damages on groups or individuals; the bill provides no guidance on limiting use in marginal cases.
  • It is unclear what budget or staffing changes agencies would need to use this new authority, or how enforcement priorities would be set.